finance

The rate draws attention. The structure decides who survives.

Two operations with the same debtor, the same amount, and the same rate can produce completely different outcomes when something goes wrong.

August 3, 2014

Structure is what keeps working after the goodwill ends.

risk
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The rate draws attention. The structure decides who survives.

Two operations with the same debtor, the same amount, and the same rate can produce completely different outcomes when something goes wrong.

There is a rather lazy way of looking at a debt: asking how much was lent and what the rate is. Perhaps it is natural. Those are the two numbers that fit into a conversation. Someone says he obtained a financing at 12% a year and we immediately start comparing it with another at 10%, as though we already knew which is better. The more I observe credit, however, the less confidence I have in that comparison. The rate is merely the part of the operation that can be reduced to a pretty percentage. The risk usually lives in the rest of the contract.

Argentina offered this week an almost caricatural demonstration of that. The country had money and tried to pay the interest on part of the bonds it had restructured years ago. Even so, the creditors were not paid. A dispute with the investors who refused the earlier restructurings, the so-called holdouts, ended up placing at the center of the system a clause whose name most people had probably never pronounced when the bonds were originally bought: pari passu.

I do not want to feign mastery of every legal detail of a dispute involving American courts, sovereign debt, different issuances, and years of litigation. The mechanism, however, is clear enough to teach something. The courts held that Argentina could not keep paying the creditors who accepted the restructuring while leaving the holdouts unpaid, unless it also made a proportional payment to the latter. The result is strange only to someone who thinks debt consists of one person having money and another owing money. The country deposited funds. The funds existed. The contract and the court order determined that they could not simply follow the path the debtor wanted.

It is a fine way of discovering that money does not rule on its own.

The structure rules over it.

That difference is changing the way I look at credit. For a while I thought the main work was assessing the borrower. In large part it still is. Excellent collateral does not turn a fraud into a good client, and no contract can turn an economically dead business into a healthy one. But I am beginning to see that there is a second decision after choosing whom you can lend to: choosing how.

Perhaps that second question is underrated because it looks like lawyers' work. The businessman wants the money. The commercial side wants to close. The creditor wants the return. Then a pile of documents arrives and there is a tendency to treat the clauses as the unpleasant bureaucracy that has to be crossed so the money can finally move.

It is exactly the opposite.

The contract is the operation.

The money merely executes what was written.

On good days, almost any contract seems sufficient. The debtor pays, the creditor is paid, and nobody consults page 47 to find out the meaning of an acceleration clause. It is on bad days that the document stops being paper and reveals it was always a machine. It determines who is paid first, who waits, who can block a decision, which collateral can be seized, under what circumstances the debt falls due early, what happens to the assets, and which choices remain available to each side.

Credit contracts are written for a future in which people may stop agreeing.

That idea seems important to me. When everyone is confident and the operation is being celebrated, the parties have an incentive to imagine the best scenario. The rate looks adequate, the businessman is optimistic, the projections point to growth, and the money has to come in soon. Asking for additional terms looks almost like a display of distrust.

But trust is a terrible substitute for structure.

Not because people are necessarily dishonest. It is enough that they are human and that their circumstances change. A businessman who intends to pay today may, facing a crisis, start defending his own company, his employees, and his family before defending the creditor. A friendly investor can become far less friendly when he loses money. A partner can die. A market can close. A company can be sued. Collateral can fall in price.

The contract exists precisely because people's personalities should not be the main guarantee when the incentives change.

There is something like engineering in that. Nobody designs a bridge assuming the wind will always be calm because the engineer trusts nature. The structure has to consider exactly the moment when conditions stop cooperating.

Perhaps that is how I want to learn to look at any financial operation.

Not merely asking how it behaves when it works.

Asking what happens when it stops working.

That is the moment when apparently bureaucratic words start acquiring economic value. Seniority. Collateral. Covenants. Cross-default. Grace. Amortization. Maturity. Jurisdiction. Payment waterfall. Each is an attempt to determine in advance what will be disputed later.

Most people prefer to discuss return because return belongs to the happy scenario.

Structure belongs to the necessary one.

That may be an essential difference between investing and fantasizing. Whoever buys an operation looking only at what he will receive if everything goes well is not pricing the whole investment. He is buying half the story.

That becomes even more important in credit because, as I wrote last year, the natural asymmetry is unfavorable to the creditor. If the debtor becomes extraordinarily rich, the loan does not multiply twenty times. The creditor receives what was contracted. If the company fails, however, he can lose a relevant part of the principal.

So downside protection is not a detail.

It is the business.

That also changes my view on high interest. There is something seductive about a credit paying far above the market. The investor looks at 18%, 20%, 25% and feels he has discovered an opportunity. He may have. He may also be discreetly paid to ignore some fragility he has not yet understood.

High yield is not a gift.

It is a message.

The market can be wrong, obviously. That is precisely where opportunities arise. If I can understand a company, a piece of collateral, or a structure better than the rest and conclude that the real risk is lower than the perceived risk, a high spread can be excellent.

But there is a difference between winning because I analyzed better and winning because I closed my eyes with more enthusiasm.

I want to learn the first.

The private market seems especially interesting in that respect. I have continued to observe operations that do not appear on large shelves. Credit between companies and investors, properties sold outside the open market, stakes in private companies, direct investments among families, and structures that more frequently begin with a phone call than with a screen.

There is a real advantage in that environment.

It is possible to find things the whole market has not yet priced.

But there is a symmetrical disadvantage: it is also possible to find things the whole market has not yet had the chance to reject.

That sentence should perhaps accompany any off-market investment.

"Few people know about it" is not a thesis.

It is merely a description of the distribution.

The lack of competition can mean an excellent price. It can mean nobody serious wanted to buy. The two situations look visually similar before the analysis.

The more exclusive the access, the more rigorous the judgment should be.

Unfortunately, psychology usually does the opposite.

When someone receives an opportunity in a private context, referred by a known family, a banker, or someone respected, there is a natural tendency to lower the guard. Exclusivity works as an anesthetic. "They are not offering this to everyone" seems to get confused with "this must be good."

The first is a fact of distribution.

The second has to be proven.

That difference may be especially relevant for family offices. A family with significant wealth can receive opportunities that would never reach the ordinary investor: private stakes, off-market properties, direct loans, acquisitions, co-investments, and club deals among groups that already have some history of relationship.

That is an important advantage.

Access widens the investment universe.

But access without process merely increases the number of ways to lose money.

A family office should exist, I imagine, not merely to get into certain rooms, but to be able to say no inside them.

That may be an even more important function.

It is easy to justify an expensive structure by saying it offers exclusive access. The real test is finding out whether it can protect the family precisely from the bad exclusive investments that arrive alongside the good ones.

A very wealthy family tends to attract opportunities the way light attracts insects.

Some excellent.

Many ordinary.

Some dangerous.

The larger the wealth, the greater the number of people able to explain why the owner should finance their projects. The problem stops being finding opportunities and becomes filtering them.

It is a change of phase.

Whoever has little capital looks for access.

Whoever has a lot needs a filter.

That may be one of the most important differences between building wealth and administering it. In the building phase, the scarcity is usually on the opportunity side. You have to produce, sell, find deals. Once significant wealth exists, the scarcity migrates. What is lacking are good ways to put a lot of money to work without accepting unnecessary risk.

At that point, saying no becomes economically productive.

Family offices, private banks, and similar structures are perhaps institutions of selection before they are institutions of investment.

I like that idea because it removes part of the pomp. A family office does not have to be an elegant club where the wealthy receive presentations on thick paper. It should be a machine built to prevent wealth accumulated over decades from being destroyed by a succession of attractive decisions.

That requires some intellectual independence.

If every person inside the structure is paid when an operation happens, the machine will tend to produce operations.

There is an evident conflict.

The broker earns when it closes.

The manager may earn more if he attracts more assets.

The banker may have targets on certain products.

The lawyer earns when there is work.

The originator earns when the credit is granted.

Each can be perfectly honest and still see reality through the prism of his compensation.

Incentives do not have to corrupt character in order to change perception.

It is enough that they make certain explanations more comfortable than others.

Perhaps that is why a good wealth structure needs to separate, as far as possible, origination from decision.

Whoever finds the opportunity can defend it.

Someone needs institutional permission to destroy it.

That sounds aggressive, but it is healthy.

An idea should survive someone trying to prove it wrong before it receives money.

The problem with excessively harmonious environments is that nobody wants to be the unpleasant man who ruins dinner by mentioning the risks. The family is excited, the businessman is well known, the numbers are good, the important bank is taking part. Everything leads to yes.

Perhaps the job of whoever protects wealth is precisely being paid to bear the discomfort of no.

There is a financial dignity in that.

It is easier to look intelligent explaining an operation that happened and made money than explaining an operation that never existed because you refused it. The first produces a visible return. The second produces the absence of a loss.

Absence receives no prize.

But wealth is made as much of money multiplied as of money that was not destroyed.

That idea should matter even more in private credit.

Imagine a family taking part in a club deal to finance a company. The operation offers a very interesting rate and there is real estate collateral. It looks simple. Five families put up capital, the company is funded, and everyone earns a yield.

But who holds the collateral?

In whose name?

What is the order among creditors?

If the company sells the asset, who has to authorize it?

Is there prior debt?

Is the collateral perfectly constituted?

What happens if one of the families wants out?

Who administers the credit?

Who collects?

Who enforces?

Is there a collateral agent?

Is there a substitution mechanism?

If the debtor does not pay, will five families have to agree on the strategy?

Those questions are less pleasant than the rate.

They are also probably more important.

A badly structured club deal can turn five sophisticated investors into five involuntary partners in a fight.

A relationship helps at the entrance.

It should not be the only structure for the exit.

Perhaps one of the things that most fascinates me about this week's Argentine case is precisely that ability of a contractual clause to change the relative power between enormous groups of creditors. About 93% of the external debt that had defaulted was restructured in the 2005 and 2010 exchanges. The majority accepted new terms. A minority did not.

Intuitively it would be easy to imagine that 93% settles an argument.

Not necessarily.

Contract law is not a simple election in which the majority always governs the minority.

A small clause can grant a small position economic power far larger than its nominal size.

That should interest anyone who takes part in group investments.

Percentage of capital and percentage of control are different things.

An investor can own 5% of a company and hold rights capable of blocking certain decisions. A small creditor can be senior to larger ones. A relatively small debt can hold collateral over the best asset. A family can put up less capital in a club deal and still take a certain position on the committee.

The balance sheet shows quantity.

The contract shows power.

It is an enormous distinction.

It may be useful to start thinking of every financial operation as a distribution of rights, not merely of money.

Who has the right to be paid first?

Who can demand information?

Who can block new debt?

Who can enforce collateral?

Who decides to sell?

Who can force the others to sell?

Who has preference?

Who can exit?

Who is locked in?

Money comes in once.

Rights remain throughout the operation.

That is why haste to close is dangerous. A bad rate can be renegotiated or refinanced. A contract that grants too much power to someone can stay silent for years and only reveal its cost when the negotiation has become harder.

There is an asymmetry between moments.

At the start of the operation, the borrower has options. He has not received the money yet.

After disbursement, some options disappear.

The same holds on the investor's side. Before transferring the capital, he can refuse. Afterward, he is in.

That is perhaps the best moment to be paranoid.

Before.

Paranoia after the money leaves is merely remorse with a spreadsheet.

I want to develop a kind of habit: before any operation, imagining that everyone will become less friendly.

Not because they will.

But because, if the structure keeps working even in that scenario, the positive relationship becomes an additional benefit instead of a condition of survival.

A good contract between friends protects the friendship because it reduces the number of things they will have to argue about under pressure.

That holds for partners.

Families.

Creditors.

Club deals.

Paradoxically, the person who refuses documentation because he "trusts so much" may be placing the very relationship he says he values in a dangerous position.

Memories diverge.

Circumstances change.

Heirs appear.

What seemed obvious orally becomes less obvious five years later.

Structure replaces memory.

That may be one of the reasons families intending to keep wealth across generations need to institutionalize decisions. The founder may know every businessman who received money. The children may not. The founder may remember why a piece of collateral was accepted. The next generation will see only documents.

The longer the horizon, the more important it is to make decisions legible to people who were not yet in the room.

That makes me understand family offices a little differently.

Perhaps their function is not merely administering assets.

It is administering economic memory.

Why did we buy?

Why did we finance?

What was the thesis?

What risk did we accept?

What was the exit?

Who took part?

What relationship originated the opportunity?

What did we learn afterward?

Without a record, each generation restarts its intelligence from zero.

And a fortune without institutional memory depends on exceptional individuals forever.

That is a fragile structure.

No family should assume all its descendants will have the founder's judgment.

That would be an excessively optimistic bet on genetics.

Perhaps an institution is precisely the attempt to make wealth less dependent on a single brain.

Process does not eliminate stupidity.

But it increases the quantity of stupidity required to produce a disaster.

That is already something.

That view also makes me think about the function a loan broker should really perform. The more I observe this market, the less interesting it seems to me to be merely the man with bank phone numbers.

A phone number is not a lasting asset.

A relationship can be.

Judgment even more.

But the greatest value may lie in the ability to improve the structure before showing the operation to the market.

A businessman may ask for R$ 20 million because that is the number he would like to receive. A competent broker should find out how much he actually needs.

He may ask for five years when the cash flow supports three.

He may offer collateral a given institution dislikes and fail to mention another that would completely change the discussion.

He may be looking for capital in the wrong place.

The intermediary's function should not be forwarding wishes.

It should be turning an economic need into a financeable operation.

That involves more than selling.

It is perhaps a kind of financial engineering at small scale, without the need to invent exotic products.

Amount.

Tenor.

Amortization.

Collateral.

Source of payment.

Covenants.

Prepayment options.

Jurisdiction.

Seniority.

Perhaps combining different sources.

A R$ 30 million operation does not necessarily have to be a single R$ 30 million debt. It can be a cheaper bank portion, a subordinated private portion, and equity. It can be a loan secured by property combined with receivables. The structure changes the cost and the risk.

That is where the broker begins to resemble the financier.

The first finds money.

The second organizes capital.

I like that distinction.

Finding money can be solved by distribution.

Organizing capital requires understanding the problem.

Perhaps that is the career that really attracts me: being on the side of whoever can look at the client's entire wealth, not merely at an isolated request.

A businessman can ask for credit while keeping millions badly allocated.

He can offer as collateral precisely the asset he should preserve.

He can take on expensive debt against a company while owning a property capable of brutally reducing the cost.

He can want to sell a stake when a well-structured credit would avoid dilution.

Or he can want credit when the risk should be in equity.

The initial request should not be treated as a diagnosis.

The client says what he thinks he needs.

The financier should discover what he really needs.

That already looks more like what I imagine a well-run family office to be than like a product brokerage. Wealth is seen as a system.

The company.

Properties.

Stakes.

Debts.

Flows.

Liquidity.

Collateral.

Investments.

Family risks.

All connected.

A decision in one part changes the others.

If the family has a large concentration in an operating company, investing all its financial capital in companies of the same sector may merely multiply a risk that already exists.

If a property can be pledged at low cost, that may allow preserving a corporate stake.

If a given debt has an inadequate maturity, the wealth priority may not be finding a higher return but removing a fragility.

Investment and credit should not live in separate mental departments.

They are two faces of capital allocation.

Sometimes the best way to increase wealth is to invest.

Sometimes it is to reduce financial cost.

Sometimes it is to avoid selling a good asset at a bad moment.

Sometimes it is to buy an asset from someone who was forced to sell.

The same family office capable of originating investment opportunities should perhaps know sources of credit, because liquidity and investment meet exactly when the market becomes interesting.

There is a brutal advantage in having access to capital when others need capital.

That makes me think about how exclusive relationships can work in both directions. A family office that knows other family offices can receive club deal opportunities. It can also take part as a source of credit in operations that never reach traditional banks.

That off-market credit interests me especially.

Not because it is necessarily more profitable. But because it allows structuring risk directly.

A businessman owns a certain property.

He needs capital for two years.

A family has liquidity and accepts that collateral.

It is not necessary to turn the operation into a mass product.

Two parties and a structure can suffice.

The intermediary's value lies in making the two meet and, above all, in preventing a private relationship from being confused with informality.

Private should not mean improvised.

In fact, it should perhaps demand even more care.

In a public bond there is standardized documentation, agents, custody, a market, disclosure, and professional participants. In a private credit among a few parties, part of that infrastructure has to be built for that operation.

Who administers it?

Who monitors covenants?

Where are the documents kept?

Who verifies the collateral's insurance?

Who tracks maturities?

Who collects if there is a delay?

The agreement can be economically excellent and operationally amateur.

That is a risk that does not appear in the rate.

Perhaps a good part of the future opportunities in private credit lie precisely in professionalizing things that today depend too much on memory, email, and personal trust.

I cannot yet see exactly what form that would take. Perhaps specialized companies. Perhaps administration structures. Perhaps better tools. But the problem exists.

The larger the number of operations, the worse it is to depend on one person's head.

A loan broker can follow five operations practically from memory.

With fifty, no.

A family can follow a few direct investments informally.

With dozens of stakes, credits, and commitments, informality stops being simplicity and becomes operational risk.

It is curious to notice that a lot of wealth is built through complexity and then administered with surprisingly primitive tools.

Perhaps that will change.

For now, the lesson of 2014 comes earlier.

Structure.

I want to learn to look at an operation and ask not merely whether I would like to be in it, but exactly where.

Debt or equity?

Senior or subordinated?

Secured or unsecured?

Which collateral?

What LTV?

What tenor?

What information rights?

Is there amortization?

Is there a bullet at the end?

Does the cash flow support it?

Who comes before me?

Who can come after?

Can the debtor take on more debt?

What event lets me act?

Which jurisdiction governs?

How do I exit?

Those questions are not accessories to a thesis.

They are the thesis expressed legally.

One can say he wants to preserve capital and accept subordinated debt without protection.

One can say he wants liquidity and enter a private investment with no predictable exit.

One can say he values control and accept weak minority rights.

The contract reveals the truth the discourse tries to soften.

Perhaps that is why I am beginning to distrust presentations that spend fifty pages explaining the asset's potential and two explaining the structure.

The more optimistic the story, the more I want to read those two pages.

That is where we find out who really believes what.

If the originator says the collateral is extraordinary, why is the LTV so high?

If the businessman is so certain about the cash flow, why does he demand such a long grace period?

If an investor says a given asset is excellent, why does he need to sell precisely now?

Unpleasant questions have a high return.

They are perhaps the intellectual version of buying insurance before the fire.

That mentality probably reduces the number of operations that will look extraordinary. That is fine. There is enormous value in removing the enchantment from things before putting up money.

Enchantment is for personal life.

Capital needs lucidity.

That does not mean eliminating intuition. Some of the best decisions perhaps begin with the sense that something is interesting before we can fully explain it. But the money should only go in after we can take the intuition apart into mechanisms.

What do I need to believe?

What can I verify?

What do I not know?

What happens if I am wrong?

That last question remains my favorite.

In equity investments, I can accept being wrong several times if some positions have very large upside and the losses are limited to the capital put up.

In credit, I have to be more demanding because the upside will hardly compensate for a large collection of losses.

In family wealth, the logic changes again. Certain risks that would be acceptable to a fund can be inadequate when they represent a very large share of a family's fortune.

Risk does not exist in the isolated asset.

It exists in relation to whoever carries it.

The same R$ 5 million operation can be irrelevant to a billionaire family and dangerously concentrated for a family with R$ 10 million liquid.

That should look obvious.

Even so, financial products are frequently presented as though they had a universal risk profile.

They do not.

An asset can be safe for one portfolio and imprudent for another.

One more reason to think of wealth as a system.

The objective of the family office should not be finding "the best investments." That phrase probably means nothing out of context.

Best for whom?

With what horizon?

What wealth?

What need for liquidity?

What existing concentration?

What currency?

What corporate exposure?

Which generation?

A family whose main wealth is a Brazilian company does not have the same problem as a family whose wealth is almost entirely liquid and abroad.

Allocation begins before choosing the product.

Perhaps that thinking applies to credit too.

There is no "best financing" in the abstract.

There is financing adequate to the wealth structure and the cash flow of whoever borrows.

That is why I am beginning to find limited the figure of the financial salesman who knows only his own shelf. He inevitably tries to adapt the client to the product.

I prefer the inverse logic.

Understand the client first.

Then look for capital.

That requires broader access.

Different banks.

Funds.

Private credit.

Private investors.

Family offices.

Club deals.

Perhaps foreign sources.

The larger the map, the less need to force a demand to fit the only available solution.

That independence probably has economic value.

It also creates greater responsibility, because whoever has many alternatives can no longer blame the shelf when he chooses badly.

Perhaps that is the game I want to play.

Not selling an institution's product.

Having the freedom to organize capital according to the operation.

I am still far from that, but I can see the direction better.

And perhaps the Argentine case arrived at the right moment to teach a discipline I will need if I ever occupy that position: never treat documentation as a minor part of the deal.

Capital follows the contract.

Trust opens the negotiation.

Structure governs the conflict.

It is not prudent to confuse the three.

A relationship can originate an excellent off-market deal.

A club deal can bring together families who trust each other.

A broker can bring a company he has known for years.

All of that reduces friction.

But the operation should keep making sense on the day nobody is willing to be kind.

That may be a good definition of structure.

What keeps working after the goodwill ends.

If the payment depends on friendship, it is not collateral.

If the exit depends on someone "certainly buying," it is not liquidity.

If the priority depends on everyone respecting an informal interpretation, it is not seniority.

If the protection depends on the market staying open, it is not protection.

Words have to survive the worst day, not the best.

That may be the difference between contracts that look bureaucratic and contracts that preserve wealth.

In good years, both work.

The difference appears once.

That may be enough.

A fortune does not need a hundred disasters to disappear. A single large, concentrated, badly protected event can do the job.

That changes the way I think about risk. I do not merely want to reduce the probability of bad things. I want to limit the size of the damage when something inevitably escapes the forecast.

That is much easier.

Predicting the next extraordinary event is perhaps impossible.

Preventing any isolated event from destroying everything seems a more realistic goal.

In credit, that means LTV.

Collateral.

Diversification.

Tenor.

Seniority.

Covenants.

In investing, a limited position.

In wealth, legal structure and liquidity.

In a family, perhaps governance.

In each context, the name changes.

The mechanism is the same.

Do not bet your existence on the obligation to be right.

Argentina is not a perfect example for all those things. No event is. But it has a characteristic I want to remember. Thousands of pages of economic and political history ended up meeting a contractual clause of a few lines.

When the problem reached the court, what looked small acquired enormous power.

Perhaps it is like that in many businesses.

The things that look smaller at the start become large when the environment worsens.

Collateral registered incorrectly.

An order of preference.

A payment obligation.

A maturity clause.

A small difference in tenor.

A veto right.

A shareholders' agreement ignored.

Risk likes to hide in details because ambitious people prefer to look at the horizon.

It is prudent to look at both.

I am 24. I remain far more interested in building than in preserving. I do not want to turn caution into an elegant excuse for never acting. There are people who spend an entire life avoiding losses and end up avoiding any relevant gain as well.

That is another form of fragility.

Fear preserves money and destroys opportunity.

I do not want to choose between imprudence and paralysis.

I want asymmetries.

Risk little when I can gain a lot.

Protect a lot when the gain is capped.

In equity, accept some small losses for large possibilities.

In credit, demand structures in which small returns are not financing risks of total loss.

In wealth, never put at risk what I do not need to risk in order to obtain something I do not need to gain.

That may be a sufficiently simple architecture.

It does not require extraordinary forecasting.

It requires discipline.

And discipline is perhaps merely the ability to remember the downside when everyone around is talking about the upside.

The rate draws attention because it is what we expect to receive.

The structure deserves attention because it is what remains when we do not.

Perhaps I will never again be able to look at a financing by price alone.

That is already worth the year.

Leo Bentier

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